Palestinians Insist That a Peace Agreement Include a 'Right of Return' to the Villages They Fled in 1948, But Israelis Say There is No Room for Any of Them in Israel
August 18, 2013
Christian Science Monitor -
Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas will be hard pressed to sell any peace deal reached with
Israel in crowded and drab refugee camps like Dhaishe, near Bethlehem.
There
is an enormous chasm between what Palestinian refugees and their
descendants view as a just solution to their displacement and the
Israeli negotiating position that not a single Palestinian refugee will
be repatriated in Israeli territory as part of a final agreement. As the
weaker negotiating party, Mr. Abbas has significant limitations.
Only
the mosque of her native village of Zakaria inside Israel remains, but
Dhaishe resident Fatima al-Haj Ali Adawi, only a child when her family
left, still holds on to her memories of the village west of
Jerusalem that
was transformed into a farming community for Kurdish Jewish immigrants
after its last Palestinians were expelled in June 1950. It was renamed
Zecharia. Both the Hebrew and Arabic versions of the name refer to the
Old Testament prophet revered in both Judaism and Islam.
The buildings she remembers were razed as part of an Israeli
government policy of destroying the remains of Palestinian hamlets to
discourage the idea of a return by their former inhabitants. But the
emotional attachments to the ancestral homes were carried from
generation to generation.
"I want to die in our village. Our house is in Zakaria. I don't forget my country," Ms. Adawi says.
Her
great niece Marwa al-Adawi, a 24-year old lawyer, has never seen the
site, now a quiet town of red-roofed houses near the city of Beit
Shemesh.
"I am from Zakaria, not Dhaishe, and to anyone who asks me
where I'm from I answer Zakaria," she says. "This is the village of my
grandparents and we are hoping to return back to it. This is our right
and our dream."
"Anything taken by force is unacceptable," she
says of the Israelis living there. ''This is a question of justice and
dignity. No president or any other man can give this up."
RETURNING IS 'IMPOSSIBLE'
But
Abbas has shown signs that he intends to do exactly that in order
to reach an agreement establishing a Palestinian state in the
West Bank and
Gaza.
Abbas has endorsed the Arab League's position espousing an ''agreed''
solution to the refugee issue, a stance that in effect gives Israel a
veto over any return.
More than 700,000 Palestinians were expelled
or fled when Israel was established in 1948. Today, including their
descendants, there are more than 4.7 million Palestinian refugees
registered with the United Nations and living in the West Bank, Gaza
Strip, Jordan, Syria, and Lebanon. About 13,000 of those live in Dhaishe
in an area of roughly one square kilometer.
Last year, Abbas
infuriated some Palestinians by saying he did not have a right to live
in Safed, the town in northern Israel where he was raised, only to visit
it, and that to him Palestine was the West Bank and Gaza Strip, with
East Jerusalem as its capital.
Following a barrage
of criticism, he later said he was voicing his ''personal stance'' and
that his remarks had no bearing on the ''right of return'' Palestinians
assert to their former homes inside what became Israel.
But a
Palestinian legislator who supports Abbas also struck a moderate tone on
the refugee issue in remarks to the Monitor this week.
"The main
issue is having our right to self-determination and to establish our
state in the territories occupied in 1967," says Abdullah Abdullah,
deputy head of international relations for Abbas's Fatah movement.
"That's the start and the end, and in between whatever issue arises is
solvable. We can't abandon our right of return but we are willing to
discuss how we implement this right so that it won't be at the expense
of anyone."
He added that any peace deal will be put to a
referendum. If public opinion is largely opposed to any tenets of the
agreement, voters could scuttle the deal.
Not everyone in Dhaishe
is fixated on a return to their ancestral villages. Lutfi Sayed, a
barber, says that a peace agreement that gives Palestinians all of the
West Bank and Gaza Strip, ensures open access to Jerusalem, and makes it
possible for people to make a dignified living would be acceptable to
him.
Asked why he had given up on the idea of return to his now
destroyed ancestral village of Zikreen inside Israel, Mr. Sayed, a
father of six, responds: "Because it is impossible."
ERASING THE PAST
The
elder Adawi recalls growing up in a house in Zakaria with six rooms.
''It was good, the people were good. We had fig trees, grape vines and a
lot, a lot of olive trees. There were no hungry people in Zakaria.''
During
fighting in October 1948, Jewish forces shelled the village, she says.
But they also told villagers they could remain in their homes if they
surrendered. The vast majority of the population – which numbered 1,180,
according to a 1945 count – fled, fearing the Jewish forces would kill
Arabs, she says.
"We were afraid after Deir Yassin,'' she said,
referring to the April 1948 massacre of about 250 Palestinians near
Jerusalem by right-wing armed groups.
Adawi and her family fled on
foot into the nearby hills, then walked to the town of Hebron
behind Jordanian lines. Eventually they were given a tent and taken to
Dhaishe, which, like the other refugee camps that have become permanent
fixtures, began as a tent camp.
After the fighting ended, the new
state of Israel made a deliberate decision to empty Zakaria of its
remaining Palestinians, eyeing it as a site to settle Jewish immigrants.
Israeli historian Benny Morris writes in "The Birth of the Palestinian
Refugee Problem, 1947-49" that Israeli Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion
decided in January 1950 to evict the 145 Arabs who remained in Zakaria.
The removal was carried out in June 1950 and a Jewish communal farm, or
moshav, was soon established at the site.
ISRAEL: NO RIGHT TO RETURN
Israeli government spokesman
Mark Regev says Israel has no historic responsibility for the refugee problem.
"The
Israeli position is that the refugee problem is a result of Arab
aggression against us. The Arab side rejected the 1947 partition [of
Palestine] and launched their aggressive war to kill the Jewish state.
The primary responsibility is therefore on the Arab side," he says.
According
to Mr. Regev, the new Palestinian state that could emerge from peace
talks – not Israel – is the place that should absorb refugees.
"Israel
has absorbed millions of [Jewish] refugees and for the Palestinians to
say they want a state for their people and simultaneously demand that
Israel take responsibility for the Palestinian refugees is a
contradiction in terms and runs counter to the goal of two states for
two peoples," Regev says.
Most Israelis appear to agree. A late
July poll by the Israeli Democracy Institute and Tel Aviv University
showed that 77 percent of Israeli Jews oppose allowing the return of
even a small number of refugees.
In Zecharia, which means "God has
remembered," the memory of Zakaria has been completely erased. The
mosque's windows are sealed with concrete and litter is strewn
outside. A sign warns that the dilapidated structure is a ''dangerous
building'' but makes no reference to its religious significance.
Residents say they are very attached to their community.
''We love
the place,'' says Sara Levy, 67, who has lived there for 49 years.
She
says that today most residents work in Jerusalem or nearby towns,
through previously many residents grew wheat and raised poultry for a
living.
Ms. Levy, who has born in Iraqi Kurdistan, has little sympathy for Dhaishe residents who want to return to the area.
"They
are stupid," she says. "This place is named after the prophet Zecharia.
It is a place for Jews, not Arabs. It is not theirs."
August 17, 2013
AP - Micha Drori is living the Israeli
dream: a house, a yard, a wife and three kids. The 42-year-old
businessman has found an affordable alternative to Israel's booming real
estate market in a quiet community he loves, with a commute of less
than half an hour to his job near Tel Aviv.
What's the catch? He's a West Bank settler.
The
fate of Jewish settlements took center stage this week with the
resumption of Israeli-Palestinian peace talks aimed at establishing a
Palestinian state. In contrast to the prevailing image of settlers as
gun-toting religious zealots, the majority are in fact
middle-of-the-road pragmatists seeking quality of life. Many shun the
settler ideology and say they will uproot quietly, if needed, for the
sake of peace.
"We will not sit here and burn tires if the
government will tell us to leave. We will just leave," Drori said in his
quiet garden, smack in the middle of the West Bank. "When the proper
solution will be found I don't believe that something will stop it like
settlements. Houses can be moved ... I don't think the settlements are a
problem."
For the Palestinians, though, the settlements are a
huge problem. They seek a state that includes the West Bank and east
Jerusalem, territories Israel captured from Jordan in the 1967 war. The
Palestinians, and most of the international community, consider any
settlements built beyond the 1967 borders to be illegal land grabs.
For
five years, Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas refused to engage in
talks while settlement construction continued. As talks finally got
under way this week, the Palestinians threatened to walk away again
after Israel announced plans to build more than 3,000 new apartments.
In
all, Israel has built dozens of settlements since 1967 that are now
home to about 550,000 Israelis. Settlements dot the West Bank, the
heartland of a future Palestine, and ring east Jerusalem, the
Palestinians' hoped-for capital, making it ever more difficult to
partition the land between two states. Jews now make up 17.5 percent of
the population in both areas.
While religious Jews, attracted to
the West Bank because of its biblical significance, pioneered the
settler movement four decades ago, the settlements today have expanded
into a more accurate reflection of Israeli society. The profile of a
settler can vary from a suburban Jerusalemite to a non-partisan
ultra-Orthodox seminary student to a commuting high-tech executive to a
socialist farmer in the Jordan Valley.
Drori, for instance, is
secular and never imagined living outside central Israel. But he has
found a home in Barkan, an upscale settlement of nearly 400 families
with red-tiled rooftops and a vibrant community center. From his
backyard Drori has a clear view of the Mediterranean coast.
"The
air is nice, the weather is good, the view is wonderful. I think this is
most of the reason that people come here," he said.
About a third
of all West Bank settlers could be defined as "ideological," according
to Yariv Oppenheimer, director of the anti-settlement watchdog group
Peace Now. He said these settlers, the driving force behind the
settlement enterprise, are politically active and tend to live in the
more outlying areas, often closer to Palestinian villages and ancient
Jewish religious sites.
"The irony is that the believers are the ones who are more likely to be ultimately removed," he said.
The
rest are "economic" settlers who take advantage of the benefits
available to live a higher quality of life than they could have afforded
in Israel proper. While these settlers tend to still hold hawkish
political positions, they are not as hard-core over territorial
compromise. Some, particularly those in and around Jerusalem, don't even
realize they are settlers.
In fact, the two largest settlements,
Modiin Illit and Beitar Illit, were established as a housing option for
ultra-Orthodox Jews, the poorest segment of Israeli society. Some of the
ultra-Orthodox may even have no other choice but to live in the
settlements, Peace Now acknowledges.
Oppenheimer said the economic
settlers were less combative and rejectionist, but because of their
sheer growth posed an obstacle.
"If everyone behaves like them and
settlements continue to expand, there will be no place for a
Palestinian state, even if they are not ideological," he said.
Many
of these settlers would evacuate quietly in return for fair
compensation, but likely won't have to because they are within the major
blocs Israel would probably keep in a land deal. In previous rounds of
negotiations, the Palestinians agreed to swap some West Bank land for
Israeli territory to allow Israel to annex the largest settlement blocs
adjacent to its border.
Even if the current talks can reach a
similar understanding, most experts believe that more than 100,000
settlers in outlying communities would have to be evacuated. It won't be
easy.
In
2005, Israel evacuated all 9,000 of its settlers from the Gaza Strip.
Despite months of protests by pro-settler demonstrators and widespread
resistance by the settlers themselves, the pullout passed with
relatively little violence.
Settlers have vowed to put up more of a
fight under any West Bank withdrawal. Israelis in general are hesitant
to pay what they consider a steep price — more than 53 percent would
oppose any peace deal that included major withdrawals from the West
Bank, according to a poll of 506 released by the Maagar Mohot research
institute Friday. Dividing Jerusalem, home to sensitive religious sites,
would be the hardest challenge of all.
Hanan Ashrawi, a senior
Palestinian official, said distinctions between settlers and their
various motivations could be taken into consideration during
negotiations. Regardless, she said they were all part of the problem.
"They
are all illegal and people will find any rationalization to explain why
they are there," she said. "If anyone has any sense of justice they
would understand that they are living on other peoples' lands ... You
are all contributing to sabotaging peace."
Save for a brief
building showdown in 2009 and 2010, construction has continued unabated
under all Israeli governments despite continued international
condemnation.
Just last week, Israel announced new building plans
and added more settlements to its "national priority" list of
communities eligible for special government subsidies. In all, roughly
three-quarters of Jewish settlements are on the priority list.
In
addition to the Palestinian outcry, the plan triggered international
condemnations. It also angered many Israelis who accused the government
of neglecting a periphery in the south and north that does not get the
benefits of the settlements and is plagued by poverty, unemployment and
housing shortages.
Despite their uncertain future, Israelis
continue to flock to the settlements. Government statistics show the
settler population growing at about 5 percent annually, compared to 2
percent elsewhere. At this rate, the settler population will grow by
more than 10,000 people during the nine months of negotiations allotted
by the U.S.
While most of the surge is attributed to the higher
birthrates of ultra-Orthodox and other observant Jewish settlers, there
are other factors. Recent parliamentary data showed that between 2001
and 2011 the settlements gained 38,880 people, with more than 170,000
moving in and just over 131,000 moving out. The 11 percent migration
spike marked the second highest in any Israeli district over that time.
Some
settlers are drawn to community life in the countryside, others to
cheaper housing. Some seek a spiritual connection to the land of the
bible, others an escape from the density (and humidity) of central
Israel.
The settlements are now an even more enticing destination,
with the construction of new highways that make the commute to central
Israel much quicker. Most importantly, the settlers have now enjoyed a
long period of relative calm after enduring years of roadside shooting
attacks and other Palestinian violence. The major violence began to
subside in 2005.
When Drori's wife first suggested scoping out the
settlements, he refused. But after discovering that a private home in
central Israel, which can cost well over $750,000, was out of their
price range, he reconsidered. First they rented and then built their own
house for about 40 percent less than it would cost in Israel.
"The
main decision was the community. I live here with people like me," he
insisted. "We were looking for quality of life: a home, a community."
The
future of Barkan is uncertain. Unlike the blocs near the border, it
lies deep into the West Bank and creates an enclave that would hinder
Palestinian territorial continuity.
But Drori is not concerned.
He's skeptical a peace accord will be reached, and if it is, he is open
to various options, including living alongside Palestinians. He says he
has moved many times before, and will do so again if required.
"God is not my guide," he said. "My guide is conscience and economy and community."