Undercover Cop Tricks Autistic Student into Selling Him Weed

Undercover Cop Tricks Autistic Student into Selling Him Weed

Kid with Aspergers Syndrome who was entrapped by an undercover cop 

July 22, 2014

Infowars - This is the story of Jesse Snodgrass, a kid with Aspergers Syndrome who was entrapped by an undercover cop posing as a student at Jesse’s high school. This is the story of how the war on drugs preys on the most vulnerable.



There seems to be a national trend in the use of excessive force by law enforcement personnel in recent years, which is indicative of poor leadership and training and a changing mindset in the newer generation of officers/deputies. The majority of law enforcement officers are less than 40 year of age -- after 20 years of service, they can retire with full pensions, which means the generation of "peace officers" from their fathers' and grandfathers' era (ages 50 and up) are no longer working in the field and serving as mentors.

Military tactics and equipment (given to them free by the federal Department of Homeland Security*) are being used by local law enforcement agencies against citizens -- this all started when Los Angeles developed a SWAT team in 1967 (they originally created the term, "Special Weapons And Tactics"). SWAT teams are being used inappropriately by law enforcement. All sheriffs and police chiefs across the country should refuse to accept and use military equipment against the people, and terms like "war on drugs" should not be used since it creates a mindset that law enforcement is at war with segments of American society. SWAT tactics like "flash-bang no knock warrants" should not have been used to serve search warrants.

Surveys of police officers found that police brutality, along with sleeping on duty, was viewed as one of the most common and least likely to be reported forms of police deviance other than corruption. There is evidence that courts cannot or choose not to see systemic patterns in police brutality. Other factors that have been cited as encouraging police brutality include institutionalized systems of police training, management, and culture; a criminal-justice system that discourages prosecutors from pursuing police misconduct vigorously; a political system that responds more readily to police than to the residents of inner-city and minority communities; and a racist political culture that fears crime and values tough policing more than it values due process for all its citizens. It is believed that without substantial social change, the control of police deviance is improbable at best.

Causes of police brutality and excessive force:

As was the case with Prohibition during the 1920s and 1930s, the "War on Drugs" initiated by President Nixon in 1969 has been marked by increased police misconduct. Critics contend that a "holy war" mentality has helped to nurture a "new militarized style of policing" where "confrontation has replaced investigation."

Numerous human rights observers have raised concerns about increased police brutality in the U.S. in the wake of the September 11, 2001 attacks on the World Trade Center. An extensive report prepared for the United Nations Human Rights Committee, tabled in 2006, states that, in the U.S., the "War on Terror" has "created a generalized climate of impunity for law enforcement officers and contributed to the erosion of what few accountability mechanisms exist for civilian control over law enforcement agencies. As a result, police brutality and abuse persist unabated and undeterred across the country."

Studies have shown that most police brutality goes unreported. In the United States, investigation of cases of police brutality has often been left to internal police commissions and/or district attorneys (DAs). Internal police commissions have often been criticized for a lack of accountability and for bias favoring officers, as they frequently declare upon review that the officer(s) acted within the department's rules or according to their training. The ability of district attorneys to investigate police brutality has also been called into question, as DAs depend on help from police departments to bring cases to trial.

Laws intended to protect against police abuse of authority include the Fourth Amendment to the United States Constitution -- it protects against unreasonable searches and seizures; the Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution, which includes the Due Process and Equal Protection Clauses; the Civil Rights Act of 1871; and the Federal Tort Claims Act. The Civil Rights Act has evolved into a key U.S. law in brutality cases.

Most civil actions against police officers for misconduct are filed under 42 U.S.C. § 1983. However, it is difficult to succeed in § 1983 claims against police officers, and the successes in § 1983 claims do not necessarily result in changes in police practices. Further, judicially imposed barriers limit the value of remedies under § 1983. One barrier is the doctrine of immunity that protects individual police officers from lawsuits -- defendant officers are usually indemnified by the municipalities or unions if an alleged misconduct is within the line of duty. Therefore, there is no real incentive for police officers to change their practices to ensure that individual rights are protected. In Guardians, the Commission argued that § 1983 claims have not been effective in deterring police misconduct and without much change in police practices, § 1983 continues to be ineffective in deterring police misconduct.

Much of this difficulty in combating police brutality has been attributed to the overwhelming power of the stories mainstream American culture tells about the encounters leading to police violence.

*  DHS fusion centers "reports suspicious activities which have a potential nexus to terrorism." The Department of Homeland Security has been involved in producing a deluge of literature which portrays liberty lovers and small government advocates as extremist radicals. The increasing use of military hardware in the field of domestic law enforcement has caused consternation amongst some who see the police’s role as changing from ‘protect and serve’ to treating the American people as some kind of enemy. Since the winding down of operations in Afghanistan and Iraq, the Department of Defense has been donating armored vehicles to the Department of Homeland Security which in turn has been selling them to police departments across the country. Former Marine Corps Colonel Peter Martino, who was stationed in Fallujah and trained Iraqi soldiers, warned last year that the Department of Homeland Security is working with law enforcement to build a “domestic army,” because the federal government is afraid of its own citizens.