‘Operation Fast and Furious’ Put 2,000 Weapons into Hands of Mexican Criminals While Lecturing Americans About Gun Control
January 21, 2016
(
National Review) - Obama-administration scandals never resolve. They just vanish — usually,
under a new scandal.
So it was with one of this president’s earliest embarrassments,
“Operation Fast and Furious,” designed to help the Bureau of Alcohol,
Tobacco, Firearms, and Explosives (ATF) dismantle drug cartels operating
inside the United States and disrupt drug-trafficking routes. Instead,
it put into the hands of criminals south of the border some 2,000
weapons, which have been used to kill hundreds of Mexicans and at least
one American, U.S. Border Patrol agent Brian Terry.
Now, Fast and Furious is back in the news. Earlier this month, a raid on
the hidey-hole of drug kingpin Joaquin “El Chapo” Guzman recovered not
only the notorious drug lord, but a (“massive”) .50-caliber rifle,
capable of stopping a car or shooting down a helicopter, that originated
with the ATF program. Rest easy, though: Only 34 such rifles were sold
through the program.
The news comes just days after a federal judge rejected President
Obama’s assertion of executive privilege to deny Congress access to Fast
and Furious–related records it requested back in 2012 as part of an
investigation into the gun-walking operation. Despite the IRS scandal,
Benghazi, and a host of other accusations of malfeasance against this
White House, it remains this president’s sole assertion of executive
privilege.
Three-and-a-half years later, the question is still: Why?
In November 2009, the ATF’s Phoenix field office launched an operation
in which guns bought by drug-cartel straw purchasers in the U.S. were
allowed to “walk” across the border into Mexico. ATF agents would then
track the guns as they made their way through the ranks of the cartel.
At least, that was the theory. In reality, once the guns walked across
the border, they were gone. Whistleblowers reported, and investigators
later confirmed, that the ATF made no effort to trace the guns.
In March 2010, a few ATF agents voiced an obvious concern: Couldn’t the
guns end up being used in crimes? Seven months later, that’s exactly
what happened. The brother of the former attorney general of the state
of Chihuahua was murdered, and Fast and Furious weapons were found at
the scene.
In December, the scheme’s ramifications crossed back over the border. On
December 14, four Border Patrol agents were staked out near Rio Rico,
Ariz., eleven miles north of the Mexican border. A five-man “rip crew,” a
group looking to rob drug smugglers crossing the border, opened fire
when the agents attempted to apprehend. Agent Terry was struck in the
back and bled to death. Two of the guns involved in the shootout were
traced back to Fast and Furious, which continued for another six weeks.
The operation was finally shut down with the help of Senator Chuck
Grassley (R., Iowa), then ranking member of the Senate Judiciary
Committee, who promptly opened an investigation. Two months later,
Darrell Issa (R., Calif.), then chairman of the Committee on Oversight
and Government Reform, opened his own investigation in the House.
Operation Fast and Furious would have been bad enough. But the
investigation made clear a widespread cover-up. In February, in response
to a request from Grassley, Assistant Attorney General Ronald Weich
submitted for the record a letter declaring that any claim “that ATF
‘sanctioned’ or otherwise knowingly allowed the sale of assault weapons
to a straw purchaser who then transported them to Mexico — is false. ATF
makes every effort to interdict weapons that have been purchased
illegally and prevent their transportation to Mexico.” In November,
Attorney General Eric Holder admitted that gun-walking was, in fact,
used, and in December the Obama administration formally withdrew Weich’s
letter from the congressional record — because it was, in Holder’s
words, “inaccurate.”
Operation Fast and Furious would have been bad enough. But the
investigation made clear a widespread cover-up.
By that time, Holder had become a figure of particular interest. What
did the attorney general know about the operation, and when did he know
it? In May 2011, he claimed to have known about gun-walking tactics for
only a few weeks. But by October, new documents showed that Holder had
been briefed about Operation Fast and Furious as early as July 2010. And
in January 2010, just months after the ATF had launched Operation Fast
and Furious, personnel from the Organized Crime Drug Enforcement Task
Force, a multi-agency network run by the Department of Justice, had been
brought in to provide additional manpower.
Furthermore, the operation may have had an explicitly political angle.
E-mails obtained by CBS News in late 2011 showed ATF officials
corresponding about the possibility of using Fast and Furious to push
through a regulation requiring gun shops to report the sale of multiple
rifles or “long guns.” In other words,
the ATF permitted certain gun
shops to conduct certain, inadvisable sales to dangerous people and then
planned to point to those sales to justify the need for new reporting
requirements.
By the summer of 2012, Holder and the House Oversight Committee were at a
standoff, the attorney general claiming he had been fully responsive to
the committee’s request for documents, Issa claiming that the DOJ had
withheld 1,300 key pages. President Obama, intervening, declared that
the documents were protected under executive privilege — a risible
claim, legally, and a suggestive one, given the White House’s denial of
involvement. In late June, at the recommendation of the committee,
Holder became the first sitting member of a presidential cabinet to be
held in contempt by the House of Representatives.
In September, the administration declared victory. The Department of
Justice’s inspector general released a report recommending disciplinary
action against 14 federal officials and absolving Holder — seemingly. In
fact, the report noted a series of extraordinary coincidences in which,
several times in 2010 and 2011, information about the program made it
all the way to Holder’s desk — but without the attorney general’s ever
managing to pass his eyes over it. Odd, that.
Since then, the investigation into Fast and Furious has been tied up in
the courts, where the House challenged the president’s
executive-privilege claim.
But the ATF & Co.’s horrendous judgment continues to take a toll. By
the time of the House’s contempt vote, some 300 Mexicans had been
killed or wounded by Fast and Furious firearms, and that number has
surely risen. In December 2013, a walked gun was found at the site of a
gunfight at a Mexican resort that left five cartel members dead.
The guns have found their way north, too. A weapon owned by Nadir Soofi,
one of the two Muslim terrorists who tried to shoot up Pamela Geller’s
“Draw Muhammad” contest in Texas last May, was acquired through Fast and
Furious.
The guns have found their way north, too.
It is difficult to overstate both how stupid and how incompetent were
the whole host of federal officials involved in this fiasco,
who first
thought it was a swell idea to traffic thousands of guns to Mexican
criminals, then blithely forgot about them. It is difficult, too, to
overstate the contempt of this administration for transparency, given
that, having made those fatal mistakes,
its response was to hide them
from a congressional inquiry, going so far as to invoke executive
privilege to do so. At best, the operation and its aftermath were an
exercise in astonishing malpractice; at worst,
the administration
knowingly exhibited a reckless disregard for human life — then covered
it up.
Under “Operation Fast & Furious,” the U.S. government became a de
facto arms dealer to Mexican drug cartels and Islamist criminals.
But this administration still wants to lecture Americans about gun
control . . .